የመስራች እናቶቹ መልዕክተኛ

የጉዞ ማስታወሻ

በመዘምር ግርማ

ዓላማ፡- የዚህ ጽሑፍ ዓላማ ለአንድ ሳምንት በሠሜን ምዕራቡ የሃገራችን ክፍልና በአዲስ አበባ አድርጌው የነበረውን ጉዞ ማስቃኘት ነው፡፡ ጉዞውን ያደረኩት በሕጻናት ንባብ ላይ የሚሰሩ ድርጅቶችን ለማናገር፣ አገር ለመጎብኘትና ወዳጅ ዘመድ ለመጠየቅ ነበር፡፡ መስራች እናቶች በሚባሉ ሴቶች የተመሰረተው የደቡብ አፍሪካ የርቀት ትምህርት ተቋም የሰጠኝ የቤት ስራ አገር እንዳይና ምልከታዎችን እንዳደርግ ስላገዘኝ የጉዞ ማስታወሻዬ እዚያም እዚህም ወጣ ገባ ይላል፡፡

ማክሰኞ፣ ሐምሌ 3፣ 2010

ማላጅ መንገደኛ

መብራት ስለጠፋ በቂ ዕቃ መያዝ አልቻልኩም፡፡ የሆነ ሆኖ ከቤቴ ወጣሁ፡፡ በዕለቱ በደብረ ብርሃን መኪኖች እያሳፈሩ ያሉት ከመናኸሪያው ውጪ ነበር፡፡ በቀደመው ሰሞን ጭቃ በጭቃ የነበረው የዚህ መናኸሪያ ፎቶ በማህበራዊ ድረ-ገጾች ናኝቶ መጠነ-ሰፊ ዘመቻ ስለተከፈተበት ይመስላል ጠጠር እየፈሰሰበት እንደነበር ሰማሁ፡፡ ከአንድ የኤሌክትሪካል ምህንድስና መምህር ጋር እያወጋን ወደ አዲስ አበባ ሄድን፡፡ አዲስ አበባ በሰላም ከደረስን በኋላ በቅድሚያ ያመራሁት ወደሚከተለው ቦታ ነበር፡፡   

በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር ትምህርት ቢሮ

በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር ትምህርት ቢሮ ሁነኛ ሰው አግኝቻለሁ፡፡ እርሱም ደረጀ ቢሻው ሲሆን በ1999 ዓ.ም. በአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ አንድ የመኖሪያ ክፍል የተጋራኝ ልጅ ነው፡፡ እዚያ እንደሚሰራም ያወቅሁት ደብረ ብርሃን ዩኒቨርሲቲ ውስጥ የዘንድሮውን ግምገማቸውን ሲያካሂዱ አግኝቼው ነግሮኝ ነው፡፡ የቅድመ-መደበኛ ጉዳይ የሚመለከታቸውን ኃላፊ ማግኘት ስላልቻልኩና ጉዳዬን በሠዓቱ መጨረስ ስለነበረብኝ ለኮሚዩኒኬሽን ቢሮ ባለሙያዎች ሙሉ ገለጻውን አድርጌና ለልጆች የሚሆኑትን ጽሑፎች አጋርቻቸው ጥሩ መግባባት ላይ ደረስን፡፡  ተማሪዬ የነበረችው ሲሹወርቅም ዌብሳይት ላይ ያለው ስራ የሚመለከታት ሆና ስላገኘኋት አሸሸ-ገዳሜ ሆኖልኛል፡፡ በጣም ግን ልጅ ሆንክብኝ አለችኝ፡፡ እውነትም እሷ ከምታውቀኝ ከ2006 ዓ.ም. አንጻር አምስት ኪሎ ገደማ ቀንሼ ከስቻለሁ፡፡

በዚህ ቢሮ ከተደረጉልኝ ውለታዎች ውስጥ ለትምህርት ቤቶች ጽሑፎቹ እንደሚሰራጩ ቃል መገባቱና ካለምንም እንግልት በድረ-ገጻቸው ላይ የኛ ተረቶች መለቀቃቸው ነው፡፡ የትምህርት ቤቶች ኃላፊዎች በነጻ የሚሰጡ የትምህርት መሳሪያዎችን እንደሚወዱና ያለማንገራገር እንደሚቀበሉ የዚህ ቢሮ ሰዎች ከልምድ ነግረውኛል፡፡ ቡና ጋብዘውኝ ተለያየን፡፡

በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር የባህልና ቱሪዝም ቢሮ

ቢሮው ከብርሃንና ሰላም ማተሚያ ቤት ፊት ለፊት ባለ አንድ የግል ህንጻ ከሁለተኛ ፎቅ ጀምሮ እንደሚገኝ ትምህርት ቢሮዎች ጠቆሙኝና ሄድኩ፡፡ የቤተመጻሕፍት ሰራተኞቹን ሳናግራቸው ይልቅስ አንድ ዶክተርን እንዳናግር መከሩኝ፡፡ እርሳቸውም በማለፊያ ሁኔታ አስተናገዱኝ፡፡ ይህንም ማለቴ ራሴን እንዳስተዋውቃቸው፣ ገለጻ እንዳደርግና ዘርዘር አድርጌ እንዳስረዳ ዕድል እንደሰጡኝ ለማመልከት ነው፡፡ እርሳቸውም በተዛማጅ ስራዎች ላይ እንደሚሰሩ ገልጸው አበረታተውኛል፡፡ ዶክተሩ ያጠኑት ዶክመንታሪ ሊንጉስቲክስ አይሲቲ፣ ባህልና ሥነ-ልሣንን አጣምሮ ያይዛል፡፡ ለኛ ፕሮጀክት ሁነኛ አጋር ሙያ ነው፡፡ እዚህ ቢሮ ጎራ ያልኩት ባህልና ቱሪዝሞች ከአብያተመጻሕፍት ጋር የሥራ ግንኙነት እንደሚኖራቸው ስለገመትኩ ነው፡፡

ረቡዕ፣ ሐምሌ 4፣ 2010

ዓባይን ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ

ዙረትና ስራ ስላበዛሁ ሳልንከራተት ለመስቀል አደባባይ የሚቀርብ ሆቴል ያዝኩ፡፡ ሌሊት 10፡00 ላይ ከእንቅልፌ ተነስቼ ከሌሎች ተጓዦች ጋር መገናኘት፡፡ ጥንዶቹ ዕቃ ስላበዙ ሲጎትቷት ፈጥና መከተል ያቃታትን ትንሽ ልጃቸውን እኔ መታቀፍ፡፡ ወደ መስቀል አደባባይ መሄድ፡፡ መርቀውኝ መለያየት፡፡ እዚያም ዓባይ ባስን ማግኘትና ሌላ ቦታ አድሮ ከመጣው የሥራ ባደረባዬና ጓደኛዬ ከገበያው ስጦታው ጋር መሳፈር፡፡ 11፡00 ላይ ጉዞ መጀመር፡፡ በሱሉልታ መስመር ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ እንደመውጣቴ ወሬ ለማየት ውጪውን ጉሙና የመስኮቱ ላይ ርጥበት አላሳይህ አለኝ፡፡ አባይ በረሐን በመጠኑ አየሁት፡፡ ድልድዩም ጋ ወርደን ፎቶ ተነሣን፡፡ ከጎጃም ምድርም ደርሼ አውላላውንና ለሙን ሜዳ ማየትና ማድነቅ ጀመርኩ፡፡ ተፈጥሮ የሰጠችንን ገጸ-በረከት ብዙም የተጠቀምንበት አይመስልም፡፡ ብንጠቀምበት በህብረተሰቡ እንዲሁም በሃገሪቱ ሁለንተናዊ ኑሮ ላይ ዓይነተኛ ለውጥ ያመጣል፡፡ የሁላችንም የቤት ስራ ነው፡፡ አይደል?

መንገዳችን ቀና የሆነው የክረምት ወቅት ስለሆነና ፀሐይ ባለመውጣቷ ሲሆን፤ ለምሳ ደብረማርቆስ ከተማ ለመድረስ ችለናል፡፡ በከተማዋ በዕለቱ ዘግየት ብሎ የመጣው ረብሻ ገና ሳይጀምር አልፈነዋል፡፡ ሌሎቹንም ከተሞች አልፈን ባህርዳር ደረስን፡፡ ይህም ረጅም ጉዞ ዕለቱን አስመሸብንና ብዙም ስራ ሳንሰራ እንድናድር ሆነ - በዓለም ዋንጫው ሩብ ፍጻሜ ነው መሰለኝ የእንግሊዝ ቡድን የተሸነፈ ዕለት መሆኑ ነው፡፡ ጣና ሐይቅ ዳር ያሉ መናፈሻዎችን በምሽት ማየቴን አልደብቃችሁም፡፡ ሌላ ቀን እመለሳለሁ ብዬ በማሰቤ በዚህ ጉብኝቴ በደንብ ለመጎብኘት ጊዜ አልሰጠሁም፡፡ በጀልባ መንሸራሸር ወዘተ ቀርተውብኛል፡፡

ሐሙስ፣ ሐምሌ 5፣ 2010

በአማራ ብሔራዊ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ትምህርት ቢሮ

በማለዳ ተነስቼ ከተማውን ከቃኘሁና ራሴን ከከተማዋ ጋር ካስተዋወኩ በኋላ የስራ መግቢያ ሰዓት ሲደርስ ወደ መስሪያ ቤት አቀናሁ፡፡

በዚህ ስፍራ አራት ኃላፊዎች በተሰበሰቡበት ደርሼ ገለጻ አደረግሁ፡፡ ጽሑፎቹን ሰጠሁ፡፡ ከድረ-ገጻችን africanstorybook.org ጋር አስተዋወኳቸው፡፡ በሥልጠና፣ ማማከርና በቁሳቁስ ጭምር እገዛ ልናደርግ እንደምንችልና ጽሑፎቻችን በደንብ በተሞከሩበት በደብረ ብርሃን እንዴት ውጤታማ እንደሆኑ አብራርቻለሁ፡፡ አድራሻ ተለዋውጠንና ክልሉ በስሩ ላሉ ትምህርት ቤቶች ጽሑፎቹን እንደሚጠቀም ተግባብተን ተለያየን፡፡ የሰው መውደድ ማግኘቴና የዕድሌ መቃናት አስደሰተኝ!

በአማራ ብሔራዊ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ባህልና ቱሪዝም ቢሮ

በዚህ መስሪያ ቤት የሚመለከታቸው ባይኖሩም ለተወካዮቻቸው ጽሑፎቹን ሰጥቼና ስለአጠቃቀሙ አብራርቼ መርቀውኝ ሄድኩ፡፡ አንዴ ጽሑፎቹን ከተጠቀሙባቸው ወደፊት ከኛ ጋር ለመስራት እንደሚችሉ እተማመናለሁ፡፡ ቢያንስ ህጻናት ልጆች ያሉት ሰው የራሱን ልጆች ማንበብ ማለማመድ ቢጀምርበትና ልጁ ለሚማርበት ትምህርት ቤት ቢሰጥ አንድ ጅማሮ ነው፡፡ ከዚያም ጽሑፎቹን የማጋራትና የመጠቀም ሂደቱ ይቀጥላል የሚል ተስፋ አለኝ፡፡ ለማያነብ ልጅ ፍቱን መድሐኒት የሆኑና በሥዕል ያበዱ ጽሑፎች እንዳሉን ያየ ያውቀዋል፡፡ 

ለካ በያገሩ ወዳጅ ዘመድ አለኝ!

ወዳጅ ዘመድ እንደማላጣ ስላወቅሁት ነው መሰል ከመነሳቴ እየመጣሁ ነው የሚል ነጋሪት ስጎስም ነበር፡፡ በዚሁም መሰረት ስልኩን ለሰጠኝ ዘመዴ ደወልኩ፡፡ በአገራችን ወቅታዊ ሁኔታ ላይ የሚያስበውን ነገር አስረዳኝ፡፡ በንባብና በጉብኝት ያለብኝን ክፍተትም እንድረዳ አደረገኝ፡፡ የተፈጥሮ ሳይንሱ ሰው ግሩም የታሪክ ትምህርት ሰጠኝ፡፡ ገለጻው የንባቡ ውጤት ነው፡፡ የዓሣ ግብዣው - ጣት ያስቆረጥማል! ሁነኛ ቤት ስለሚያውቅ እዚያው እፊት ለፊታችን ሰርተው የሚያቀርቡበት ቦታ ነው የሄድነው፡፡  

ቀጥሎ ወደ አባ መንገሻ ገነሜ የሕዝብ ቤተመጻሕፍትና መረጃ ማዕከል ‹‹እስኪ ለማናቸውም አናግራቸው›› ብሎ ወሰደኝ፡፡ ሳናግራቸው ጥሩ አጋር ሊሆኑ የሚችሉ እንደሆኑ ስለገባኝ ጽሑፎቹን ሰጠኋቸው፤ ውይይትም አደረግን፡፡ የአሜሪካን ሴንተርም አላቸው፡፡

ዘመዴን የጠየኩት ጥያቄ የአማራን መደራጀት ይውደደው ይጥላው ሲሆን፤ እርሱም እንደወደደውና ወቅታዊና ግድ እንደሆነ በብዙ ማስረጃዎች አስረድቶኛል፡፡

ባህርዳር ዩኒቨርሲቲ፡-

ከዩኒቨርሲቲው ግቢዎች ውስጥ አስተዳደርን የሚመለከተው ዊዝደም (ጥበብ) የሚባለው ነው፡፡ እዚያም ሄጄ የማህበረሰብ አገልግሎት ዳይሬክተሩን ወጣቱን ዓቢይን መንክርን አገኘሁት፡፡ ይህ የዩኒቨርሲቲው መምህር ገና እንደነገርኩት ወደ ድረገጻችን ገባ፡፡ አንድም ተረትን (ምክር ያስፈታል ከእስር የሚለውን) ከፈተና አነበበ፡፡ ስለሞክሼ ሆሄያት አጠቃቀማችን ትችት አቀረበ፡፡ እኔም ተቀበልኩት፡፡ በግሌ በትርጉም መጽሐፌ ይህን ነገር ተጠንቅቄ እንደሰራሁ ነግሬው አሁንም በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ ተጨማሪ እርማት ማካሄዱ እንደሚያስደስተኝና የጽሑፍ ቅርሳችንን መጠበቅ ከዓላማዬ አንዱ መሆኑን አስገነዘብኩት፡፡ በዚህ በሞክሼ ሆሄያት ጉዳይ ላይ ተቆርቋሪ ተቋም በዚህቸ አገር መኖሩ በእውነት ያኮራል፡፡

አቶ ዓቢይ እንዳስረዳኝ ከሳምንት በፊት ከከተማው የትምህርት መምሪያ ጋር በመሆን ከተማ-አቀፍ የንባብ ሳምንት አካሂደዋል፡፡ ‹‹እንዲያውም አንድ ሳምንት ቀደም ብለህ ቢሆን ማለፊያ ነበር›› አለኝ፡፡ ቢሆን ኖሮ እውነትም አንድ ጥግ ተሰጥቶኝ ስለስራችን ለማስረዳት እችል ነበር፡፡ የሰማዕታት ሐውልት ቤተመጻሕፍት በዓውደ-ርዕዩ ላይ ተባባሪያቸው ነበር፡፡ የከተማ አስተዳሩ በቅድመ-መደበኛና በታች ክፍል ንባብ ላይ ይሰራል፡፡ የፍጥነት ንባብ ላይም እንደሚያሰለጥኑ ሰምቼ ተማርኬያለሁ፡፡ ምክንያቱም ሌላው የፍላጎትና የስራ ፈጠራ ትኩረት ጉዳዬ በመሆኑ ነው፡፡

በተለይ የተረቶቹን ነገር አስመልክቶ ጥራታቸው አንዱ የመነጋገሪያ ርዕሳችን ነበር፡፡ የአማርኛ ቋንቋ ማበልጸጊያ ተቋማቸው - አቋማተ - እና በስሩ ያሉ ባለሙያዎች በአርትዖትና በዝግጅት ሥራ እንዲያግዙን እንደሚደረግ ተነጋግረናል፡፡ ከድረ-ገጻቸው ጋር የአፍሪካን ስቶሪቡክ ድረ-ገጽን ለማስተሳሰርና ማህበረሰቡ ተረቶቹን እንዲያውቃቸው እንደሚደረግ ቃል ተገብቶልኛል፡፡ አንድ የዩጋንዳ ዩኒቨርሲቲ እንዳደረገው የቋንቋ ተማሪዎችና መምህራን በበጎ አድራጎት ስራ ቢሰማሩና ጽሑፎቻችንን ቢተረጉሙልን ዓይነተኛ ስራ መስራት እንደምንችልና በርካታ ልጆችን መድረስ እንደሚያስችለን አምናለሁ፡፡

ለአቶ ዓቢይ የምስራቅ አፍሪካ ኃላፊያችንን ኢሜል አድራሻን ሰጥቼው ስለነበር በዚሁ ዕለት ኢሜል አድርጎላት ኮፒውን ላከልኝ፡፡ አብረን እንስራ የሚለውን ኢሜል ለዩኒቨርሲቲው ፕሬዚዳንቶችና የትምህርት ጉዳይ ለሚመለከታቸው የክልሉ ኃላፊዎች ኮፒ መላኩን ገልጧል፡፡ ወዲያውኑም አለቃዬ ምላሽ ሰጥታው ወደፊት የሚደረጉትን ነገሮች በጉጉት እየተጠባበቅን እንገኛለን፡፡

በዚህ ሁኔታ የምንሰራው ሥራ ከተሣካልን በአማራ ክልል ያሉ የምንደርሳቸው ልጆች ዓለምአቀፉን የንባብ መስፈርት የሚያሟሉ ይሆናሉ። ባህርዳር ዩኒቨርስቲም በዚህ ዘርፍ ጠንካራ አጋርነቱን ካረጋገጠልን ምናልባት በርቀት ትምህርትና ኦፕን ለርኒንግ የምንሠራው የማማከር ሥራ ተጠቃሚ ይሆናል። አእምሮ ላይ መሥራት ውጤቱ አመርቂ ነው። እየደራረበ ውጤቱ ይመጣል፡፡ ባህርዳር በነገራችን ላይ የሚገርም የትምህርት ከተማ ነው፡፡ በየቦታው አብያተ-መጻሕፍትና መጻሕፍት መሸጫዎችን በማየቴ አድንቄያቸዋለሁ፡፡

አጋጣሚው ይገርማል!

ከኋላዬ ይጠራኛል፡፡ ማነው ብዬ መለስ ስል አየሁት፡፡ ሽበቱ ትንሽ ጨምሯል፡፡ ያ ደግ ሕንዳዊ መምህር ነው፡፡ ባህርዳር እንደሚሰራም ለምን እንደሆነ አላውቅም ረስቼዋለሁ፡፡ በዚህች ቅጽበት መገናኘታችን ገርሞኛል፡፡ አርጁን በጣም ምስጉን መምህር ሲሆን ተፈጥሮው ምንም ሕንዳዊ አይመስልም፡፡ ቢያንስ የተለመዱትን ማለተ ነው፡፡ ሰውን በጣም የሚጋብዝና የሚግባባ ፍጥረት ነው፡፡ በል ወደ ፖሊ ግቢ እንሂድ ብሎኝ አብሮት ከነበረው ሐበሻ መምህር ጋር ሦስታችን ሄድን፡፡ ሌላ አሻግሬ የተባለ መምህርም አግኝተን ቡና ጋበዘን፡፡

በዚህ ምሽት ወደ ጎንደር የመሄድን ሃሳብም አስትቶኝ እሱ ቤት አደርኩ፡፡ ከጎረቤቱ ህንዳዊያን መምህራን ጋር እያወራን አብረን አመሸን፡፡ ስለ ህንድ አንዳንድ ነገሮችን ስለማውቅ የተግባባንበትና ጥሩ ጊዜ ነበር፡፡ በጣም ተግባቢዎች መሆናቸውን ለመታዘብ ችያለሁ፡፡

የኮንትራት ማሳደሻ ወቅት ስለሆነ ህንዶቹ ተጨንቀዋል፡፡ የአርጁን ግን ታድሶለታል፡፡ ዩኒቨርሲቲው ለሕንዳውያን መምህራን የሚያደርገው አቀረረብ በሀገሪቱ ሌሎች ስፍራዎች እንዳለው ሁሉ አሳሳቢ መሆኑን ተገንዝቤያለሁ፡፡ ሰላሳና ከዚያ በላይ ሰዓት በሳምንት ያስይዟቸዋል፡፡ ጥናትና ምርምርና ማህበረሰብ አገልግሎት ይሰራሉ፡፡  አስቸጋሪና ለህንዶች የተለየ ጥላቻ ያላቸቸው አለቆች አሉ፡፡ የህንዶችን ዕውቀትና ልምድ የማይቀበሉና የሚያናንቁ ሰዎች አሉ፡፡ ካሪኩለሙ ባላስፈላጊ ኮርሶች ሲሞላ ማሻሻያ እንዲደረግ ህንዳውያኑ ሲጠይቁ እንደባለቤት ራሳቸውን የሚቆጥሩት ኢትዮጵያውያን አይሹም፡፡ ኮንትራት ማራዘም ላይ ከሙስና የሚመነጩ ችግሮች አሉ፡፡

የአርጁን ፍራሹ ትንሽዬ ስትሆን እሷ ላይ ተጣጥፎ ተኛ፡፡  ለባለቤቱና ለልጁ የገዛው ትልቅ ፍራሽ ላይ ሳሎን አስተኛኝ፡፡ አሁን ባለቤቱ ሁለተኛ ልጅ ለመውለድ መሄዷን አስረዳኝ፡፡ ሕይወቱ በጣም ቀላል ሲሆን የቤት ዕቃም አለው ለማለት ያስቸግራል፡፡

ይቺ ድንቅ ፍጠረት የሆነች ቤት ለብዙ ሰው ትምህርት ትሰጣለች፡፡ ምንም የሚካበድ ነገር የለባትም፡፡ ባለቤቷም እጅግ ቀላል ሊባል የሚችል ህይወት የሚኖር ነው፡፡ ባለ አንድ መኝታ ቤት ነች፡፡ ለዕለታዊ ህይወቱ የሚያስፈልገውን እያንዳንዱን ነገር የገዛ ይመስላል፡፡ ቤቱ ምንም አልተደራጀም፡፡ ሰራተኛየ በቅርቡ መሄዴን አስመልክቶ ስለሄደችና ካገር ልወጣ ስለሆነ ነው የሚለውን ወሬ ካመንን ከዚህ የተሻለ ቤት ነበረውማለት ይቻላል፡፡ ልብሶቹ ሁሉ ወለል ላይ ተጥለዋል፡፡

አልጋ፣ ቲቪ፣ ሶፋ፣ የለውም፡፡ ከሱ ጎረቤት ያለው ህንዳዊ በአንጻሩ በኑሮው በመጠኑ የተደላደለ ይመስላል፡፡

ሞባይል ደጋግመህ አትጠቀም ብሎኛል፡፡ ላፕቶፕም ቢሆን በሚያሰራጨው ኢነርጂ ሰበብ መጥፎነት አለው፡፡ እንደ አርጁን ሁሉ ህይወትን ቀለል አድርጌ መውሰድ ይኖርብኛል፡፡ ሜዲቴትም ያደርጋል፡፡

የሚወደዱ ልጆችና ቤተሰብ አለው፡፡ ህይወትን አቅልሎ የሚያይና ጥሩ ጓደኞች ያሉት ሰው ቀኑ በደስታና በተትረፈረፈ ሁለንተናዊ ሃብት ይሞላል ብሎኛል፡፡  የቤቱ ውኃ ችግር አለበት፡፡ ቧንቧው ሲያንጠባጥብ ይረብሻል፡፡

በዩኒቨርሲቲው በማይክሮኤሌክትሮኒክስና በኢምቤድድ ሲስተምስ የማስተርስ ፕሮግራም ማስተማር ሊጀምር ነው፡፡

‹‹ወደ ኢንዳስትሪው ሄደን ለማገዝ ከትምህርት ክፍሉ ደብዳቤ አይሰጠንም›› ይላል፡፡ ‹‹ህንዶች እዚህ ለገንዘብ ሲሉ ነው ያሉት ብለው ያስባሉ፡፡ ተመራቂ ተማሪዎቻችን በየሚሄዱበት ለትምህርትና ስልጠናቸው የማይመጥን ቀላል የመገጣጠም ስራ ይሰራሉ እንጂ  የሚማሩትን የፕሮግራሚንግ ትምህርት አይተገብሩትም፡፡ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የህንድ መምህራንን ተሰጥኦና ዕውቀት የሚጠቀምበትን ስርዓት አልሰራም፡፡ ኢንዱስትሪውን ሳይቀር ማገዝ እንችላለን፡፡›› ብሎኛል፡፡

አርብ፣ ሐምሌ 6፣ 2010 ዓ.ም.

ወደ ጎንደር

በባህርዳር ያለኝን ተልዕኮ በሚገባ ፈጽሜ የጎንደሩን ለቀጣይ ቀን አስቀምጬው ነበር፡፡ ጓደኛዬ አርጁን ቁርሴን ጋብዞ ወደ ጎንደር ሸኘኝ፡፡ እዚህ ባህርዳሩ አዲሱ መናኸሪያ ላይ ፈሶ ያየሁት ሽምብራ የሚመስለው አሸዋ ለደብረ ብርሃንም እንዲሆን ተመኘሁ፡፡ ምን ይመስላችኋል ብዬም የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ወዳጆቼን ጠየቅሁ፡፡ መሰራት የሚችል ግን ይመስለኛል፡፡ ሳሲት ላይ ይህ አሸዋ በገፍ ስላለ ማምጣት ይቻላል ብዬ አስባለሁ፡፡

የጎንደር መኪና ይዤ ጉዞዬን ቀጠልኩ፡፡ አዲስ ዘመን አቅራቢያ ለፍተሻ ወረድን፡፡ የሩቅ ቦታ መታወቂያ መያዜ ከጥርጣሬ እንዳያስገባኝ ሰግቼ ነበር፡፡ በሰላም አለቀ፡፡ አዘዞ ላይ ወርጄ ወደ ጎንደር በታክሲ አቀናሁ፡፡ ፒያሳ ኢትዮጵያ ሆቴል ጋ ስደርስ ለወዳጄ ለሰለሞን ግርማ ደወልኩለት፡፡ ሰለሞን በደብረብርሃን አብሮኝ የሰራ ጥሩ ሰው ነው፡፡ አሁን ቤተሰቡ በሚኖርበት ከተማ ስላገኘሁት ተደስቻለሁ፡፡ እቤቱ ወስዶ ጋበዘኝ፡፡ የእርሱና የባለቤቱ የቅድስት እናቶች ስም አበባ መሆኑን ያወኩት አማቱን ሲያስተዋውቀኝ ነው፡፡

የአጼ ፋሲል ግንብ

የዚህን ታሪካዊ ስፍራ ዝርዝር ሁኔታ ልቅም አድርጎ የሚያውቀው ሰለሞን ግርማ ነው አስጎብኝዬ፡፡ 70 000 ካሬ ሜትር ላይ ያረፈው ግቢ ውበቱና ግርማው ያማልልዎታል፡፡ በቤተመንግሥቱ ዙሪያ ያሉት ድልድዮች የንጉሣውያን ቤተሰቦች የሚቋርጡባቸው ሲሆኑ ተራው ዜጋ በውስጣቸው ያልፋል፡፡ ሲያቋርጥ ግን ቆቡን አውርዶና አጎንብሶ ስለሆነ እነዚህ ስፍራዎች ቆባስጥል ተባሉ፡፡ ስለቤተመንግሥቱ በበይነ-መረብ መረጃ ስለሚገኝ ከዚያ እንድታዩ በማሰብ አንዳንድ የሳቡኝን ነገሮች ብቻ ነው የማነሳሳው፡፡ አንድ ሰዓት ባልሞላ ጉብኝት ያየሁትን ስለሆነም ገላጭ አይሆንም፡፡  

ግዝፈትና ውፍረት ያላቸውን ታሪካዊ ግንቦች ሳይ ‹‹ለካ 2ዲ  ምስል ማየት እንዲህ ያሳስታል!›› ነው ያልኩት፡፡ 3ዲ በተለይም በአካል ማየት ትክክለኛውን ምስል ይሰጣል፡፡ በአካል ሳያቸው ያላቸው ታላቅ ታሪካዊና ኪነ-ሕንጻዊ ቦታ ገባኝ፡፡ ትልቅ ታሪክ ይዛለች ለካ ጎንደር!

የኢጣሊያን ፋሽስቶች በአዲስ አበባ ከተሸነፉ በኋላ አንለቅም ካሏቸው ቦታዎች አንዱ ጎንደር ስለነበር ቤተመንግሥቱ በአውሮፕላን በእንግሊዞች ተደብድቧል፡፡ ዕድሜና የእንክብካቤ ማጣትም አለ፡፡ ቢሆንም ለዛሬ ደርሷል፡፡ ለወደፊቱም እኔና እርስዎ አለንለት!

ሦስት ፎቅ ያለው ትልቁ ህንጻ ሰማዩ ጥርት ባለ ቀን ሶስተኛ ፎቁ ላይ ከወጡ ጎርጎራን ማሳየት ያስችላል - 50 ኪሎሜትር ርቀት ላይ የሚገኘውን ማለት ነው፡፡ እነሆ በቤተመንግሥቱ፡- ሀ. ሳውናም አለ፡፡ ሁ. የፈረስ ማቆያው ቤትም የመደበኛውን ሰው ቤት ያስንቃል፡፡ ሂ. የግብር ማብያ ወይም መሰብሰቢያ አዳራሹ ግዙፍ ነው፡፡ ሃ. የአንበሳ ቤት አለ - ከደርግ ዘመነ-መንግሥት ወዲህ አንበሶቹ ባይኖሩም፡፡ ሄ. ከጣራው የሚወርደውን ውኃ የሚያቆዩበት ገንዳ አለ፡፡ ህ. የጉልበተኞች ማደባደቢያ ትዕይንት ማያ አለ! ሆ. ማናቸውም ነገር የተሟላለት የነበረው ቤተመንግሥቱ ለነዋሪዎቹ መንፈሳዊ ፍላጎት መሟላት የሚያግዙ አብያተ-ክርስቲያናትም አሉት፡፡ ምናለፋችሁ! በየዘመኑ የተሰሩት አብያተ መንግሥታት የሰሯቸው የተለያዩ ነገስታት ስም ሳይቀር ተጽፎ ይገኛል፡፡ አብያተ መንግስታቱ በከተማዋ የተለያዩ ቦታዎች ይገኛሉ፡፡ ይህን ስታዩ ታሪክ አለኝ ትላላችሁ፡፡ በሌላ የአፍሪካ አገራት እንዲህ የሚመኩበት ቅርስ ብዙም እንደሌለ ዩጋንዳዊው ተናግሯል፡፡

አበቄለሽ ጎንደር

በየዘፈኑ ስሙ የሚነሳሳለትን አበቄለሽ ጎንደርን ሰለሞን ግርማ አስጎበኘኝ፡፡ የጠጅ ኩምኮማ (ዳዲ ጌረሩ እንዲሉ እነ ሰለሞን ዴሬሳ) ስራችንን እንደተለመደው ጀመርን፡፡ አዝማሪው አለ፡፡ የእመት አበቄለሽ ጎንደር ሶፋ እንደተከበረ ከነመቋሚያቸው ተሰይሟል፡፡ እርሳቸው ቢያልፉም መልካም መንፈሳቸው አለ፡፡ ጠጅ ጠጪው ቀንሷል ተብላችኋል፡፡ ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ፣ ደብረ ብርሃን ላይ ጠጅ የምንጠጣበትን እማሆይ ጠጅ ቤትን ያስታውሷል፡፡ አዳራሽ አረቄ ቤትም አለ፡፡ ያ ውርስ (ሌጋሲ) ቀጠለ ማለት ነው! በነዚህ ቤቶች ብዙ ትዝታቸው ያለብን ጓደኞቻችን በየአቅጣጫው እንደ ጨው ዘር ተበትነዋል፡፡

የጎንደር ተጋቢኖ ስለሚወራለት ለመመገብ ፈልጌ ነበር፤ ሰለሞን ጋበዞኛል፡፡

ጃንተከል ዋርካ መሬት ሲነካ

ወንዱም አምጪ አምጪ ሴቱም እንካ እንካ

የተባለለትን የጃንተከል ዋርካንና ሰፊውን መናፈሻም አይቻለሁ፡፡

ዋርካው መሬት እንዳይነካ በእንጨት አስደግፈውታል፡፡

የጣሊያን ቅሪቶች በከተማው አሉ፡፡ ቢጫ ቀለም ያላቸው ህንጻዎች ጣሊያን ሰራሽ ሲሆኑ ጎንደር ላይ ጣሊያን እግሩን ሰዶ እንደነበር ከማሳየትም በላይ ከተማይቱን አስመራ ያስመስላታል፡፡ 

ቅዳሜ፣ ሐምሌ 7፣ 2010 ዓ.ም.

ጎንደር ዩኒቨርሲቲ፡-

በስልክ ስላናገርኩት ብቻ እሁድ በማለዳ 1፡00 ከቢሮው ገብቶ ያስተናገደኝ የጎንደር ዩኒቨርሲቲው የማህበረሰብ አገልግሎት ዳይሬክተር አቶ ሰለሞን እንደ ባህርዳሩ ሁሉ ወጣት ነው፡፡ ገጠመኙ ገርሞታል፡፡ በዕለቱ ወደ መዋዕለ-ሕጻናት ምርቃት ለመሄድ ነበር ማልዶ የተነሳውና እኔን ቅድሚያ ማስተናገድ ያስፈለገው፡፡

የጽሑፎቹን አዘገጃጀት፣ አመራረጥ፣ ህትመትና ትርጉም አስመልክቼ አንዳንድ ገለጻ ካደረኩለት በኋላ ጽሑፎቹን አስመልክቶ ማድረግ የምንችለውን ነገር ተወያየን፡፡ ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ሃብትና የሰው ኃይል ስላላቸው ለስራችን ሁነኛ አጋር ናቸው፡፡ ጎንደር ላይም ያየሁት ያንን ነው፡፡ በስተኋላ ወደ ፒያሳ አብረን አቀናን፡፡ በመንገዳችንም ስለፕሮጀክታችን አስፋፍቼ ተናገርኩ፡፡ ሌላ ምን እንደሚሰሩና የእርሱ ሙያ ምን እንደሆነ ጠይቄው ሆርቲካልቸር እንደሆነና በከተማ ግብርና ላይ እየሰሩ መሆኑን ነገረኝ፡፡ ይኸውም የጓሮ አትክልት ዘርን በአነስተኛ መጠን እንደገና አሽገው ማከፋፈልን ይጨምራል፡፡ አስደስቶኛል፡፡

እኔም ከዚያ በኋላ የደባርቅ መኪናዬን ያዝኩ፡፡ 

ወደ ሰሜን ተራሮች ብሔራዊ ፓርክ!

ወደ ደባርቅ ከተማ ጉዞዬን ጀመርኩ፡፡ ደባርቅ ልንገባ ስንልም ፍተሻ ነበር፡፡ ምክንያቱም በማግሥቱ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ስለነበር ነው፡፡ ደባርቅ አብሮኝ የተማረውን የልብ ጓደኛዬን ፈንታዬ ጥላሁንን አግኝቼው ወደ ቤቱ ሄድን፡፡ የተደረገልኝ መስተንግዶ በጣም አስደሳች ነበር፡፡ ጎንደር ላይ የሰለሞን እናትና አማት ስማቸው አበባ ነው እንዳልኩት የፈንታዬም ሚስት እንዲሁ አበባ ነው ስሟ፡፡ ይገርማል!

ከቤቴ 960 ኪሎሜትር ርቄ ብገኝም ይህም ቤቴ ነው። በየሄድኩበት በወዳጅ ዘመድ ግብዣ ተንበሽብሻለሁ። በደርግ ጊዜ ለአንድ ግዳጅ ወታደሮች ለሦስት ቀናት በእግራቸው ሲሄዱ አንደኛው አለ የተባለው ትዝ አለኝ፡፡ "አሁን ይሄ ሁሉ የኛ አገር ነው? እንዲያው ነገር ፍለጋ ነው እንጂ!" ነበር ወቴ ያለው፡፡

የህዝቡንና የባህሉን መመሳሰል ታዝቤያለሁ። አንድ ሃይማኖት፣ አንድ ቋንቋ፣ አንድ ባህል፣ አንድ ማንነት ነው ያየሁት፡፡ ከዚህም እጥፍ ባለ ርቀት ላይ ብንንቀሳቀስ እምብዛም ልዩነት የሌለውን ህብረተሰብ ማግኘት እንችላለን፡፡  በዚህ ዕለት የጎበኘኋቸው ስፍራዎች ነበሩ፡፡ የሰሜን ተራሮች ብሔራዊ ፓርክ ጽ/ቤትን አየሁ፡፡ ወደ ሊማሊሞም ብቅ ብዬ ነበር፡፡ ጣሊያኖች ገደሉን እየቆረጡ የሰሩት ወደ ሽሬ የሚወስድ መንገድ ነው፡፡ ዋልያቹን በዚህ የክረምት ወቅት በቀላሉ ማየት ስለማይቻል ወደ ፓርኩ አልዘለቅሁም፡፡

ስለ ወቅቱ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ በየቦታው ይነሣል፡፡ በመሆኑም አንዳንድ ሐሳቦችን ለማየት ሞክሬለሁ፡፡ "ለውጡ አስደስቶኛል። እስካሁን መልካም ነው። ይሁን እንጂ ወደ አንድ ብሔር ሥልጣኖች ሁሉ ሄደው አምባገነንነት እንዳይነግስ እሰጋለሁ።"
"ሌሎች ለምን እንደኛ ኢትዮጵያዊነት አይሰማቸውም?"
"ዶክተር ዓቢይ በሥልጣን ብሎም በህይወት እስካለ አልሰጋም። ከዚያ በኋላ ግን የሚያሰጋ ነገር ሊመጣ ይችላል።"

‹‹በዚህ የለውጥ ወቅት ሠሜን ሸዋ ምንም እንቅስቃሴ አለማድረጉ ለምንድነው?›› ያሉኝም አሉ፡፡

ደባርቅ አዲስ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የተከፈተላትና አዲሱ ሰሜን ጎንደር ዞን ማዕከል የሆነች ከተማ ነች፡፡ በዋዜማ የዞኑ ኮሚዩኒኬሽን ጽ/ቤት በፌስቡክ ገጹ የሚከተለውን አስፍሮ ነበር፡- ‹‹በሰሜን ጎንደር ዞን ዋና ከተማ ደባርቅ ዶ/ር አብይ ያስመዘገቡትን ለውጥ በመደገፍ እሁድ ለሚደረገው ሰልፍ የከተማዋ ወጣቶች ከተማዋን በሰንደቅ አላማ የማስዋብና የተለያዩ ቅድመ ዝግጅቶች እያደረጉ ነው፡፡››

ፈንታዬና አንድ በሱ ስር ያለ ሰራተኛው ሰኞ ማታ ለፌደራል የሚላክ ሪፖርት ሲያጠናቅሩ ሰራተኛው ቁጣ የሚመስል ንግግር ለፈንታዬ ሲመልስ ሊጣሉ መስሎኝ ነበር፡፡ የንግግር ዘያቸው መሆኑ ወዲያው ገባኝ፡፡ እንግሊዝኛ እንደ ሮቦት በአንድ ድምጽ አታውሩ ድምጻችሁን ከፍና ዝቅ አድርጉ የተባለው በደንብ የገባኝ የጎንደርን አማርኛ ስሰማ ነው፡፡ ሪፖርታቸውን ሲጽፉ ታይፕ በማድረግ አግዣቸው አጠር ባለ ጊዜ ጨራርሰን ቅዳሜ ምሽት ላይ ወደቤት ገባን፡፡

በዚህ ዕለት በደባርቅ ከተማ ሰልፍ ነበር፡፡ ለዶክተር ዓቢይ የተደረገ የድጋፍ ሰልፍ ሲሆን የወልቃይት ኮሚቴዎች ተገኝተዋል፡፡ ከመተማ የመጡ አንዲት ሴትዮ ባለቤታቸው እንደተገደሉባቸው ተናግረው ህብረተሰቡ የመጣውን ለውጥ እንዲደግፍ አሳስበዋል፡፡ በደባርቅ የወጣው ባንዲራ እርዝመት 430 ሜትር ነበር፡፡ ምክንያቱም ከደባርቅ አስመራ 430 ኪሎሜትር ስለሚርቅ ነው፡፡ ሰልፉ በማንኛውም የሃገሪቱ ክፍል በተደረጉ ሰልፎች ላይ እንደታየው ተስፋ የሰነቀ ነበር፡፡ 

የጎንደር የንግግር ዘዬ ከለመድኩት ከሸዋው ተለየብኝ፡፡ ዘዬው ከአንዳንድ ነገሮች አንጻር ልዩነት አለው፡፡ ከቃላት ማጥበቅና ማላላት አንጻር ለምሳሌ ‹መለያያ› የሚለውን ቃል ሁለቱንም ያዎች አጥብቃ አንዲት የከተማ ጽዳት ሰራተኛ ስትገር ሰማሁ፡፡

ይህን መለያያ የሚለውን ቃል የተጠቀመችው ደግሞ አንድን የዛፍ ቅርንጫፍ ለምትጎትት ጓደኛዋ መለያያውን ያዢና ጎትቺው ለማለት ነው፡፡ በሸዋ ይህ ነገር ምንድነው የሚባለው? ደብረ ብርሃን ተመልሼ ሁለት ጎረቤቶቼን ጠይቄ ‹‹ቅጥያ ወይም ክንፍ›› ሊሉት እንደሚችሉት ነገሩኝ፡፡   

ኤዲ….ያ፣ ኧረ ወዘተ የመሳሰሉ በንግግር መገረምን ወይንም አለስማማትን የሚያመለክቱ ቃላትም በሰፊው ይነገራሉ፡፡ ቃላቱን ሲናገሩ ድምጻቸውን ከፍና ዝቅ አደራረጋቸው የራሱ ውበት አለው፡፡

እሁድ፣ ሐምሌ 8፣ 2010 ዓ.ም.

ፈንታዬ ጥላሁን ማነው?

ጎንደር - አምባጊዮርጊስ - ዳባት - ደባርቅ - አዲርቃይ - ጠለምት የሚለውን መስመር ይዛችሁ ከሄዳችሁ ወደ ፋንታዬ የትውልድ መንደር መዝለቅ ትችላላችሁ፡፡ መንደሩ በተከዜ ተፋሰስ ትገኛለች፡፡ በፈንታየ አገር ዓሳ ይለማል፡፡ 95 በመቶ የተከዜ ሃይድሮኤሌክትሪክ ማመንጫ ግድብ ውሃ ያረፈው እነርሱ  ወረዳ መሬት ላይ ነው፡፡ ተፈናቅለው መጠነኛ ካሳ ተክሰዋል፡፡ የልማቱ ተጠቃሚ የመሆን ፍላጎት ስላላቸው አሁንም እንደሚጠይቁ ነግሮኛል፡፡  ጎንደርም ላይ እንዳየሁት የዚህ አካባ ነዋሪዎች ዓይናቸው ላይ 11 ቁጥር ምልክት አላቸው፡፡ አማርኛ እንጂ ትግሪኛ አይችሉም፡፡ ወደ አጎራባች የትግራይ ከተሞች እየገቡ የበለጸጉም አሉባቸው፡፡

እሁድ ጎንደር ተመልሼ ገበያውንና ሰለሞንን አገኘሁ፡፡ ማታ በተኛሁበት ወቅት ሌሊት 10፡00 የተከሰተውን አስመልክቼ በፌስቡክ ይህን ለጠፍኩ ‹‹ታየ በላይ ሆቴል፣ ጎንደር የተነሣው መጠነኛ እሣት ጠፍቷል። ለሠላሣ ደቂቃ አንዱ ክፍል ነዶ ነበር። ችግሩ የኤሌክትሪክ ይመስላል። መብራቱ ቆጣሪም ጠፍቶ ብልጭ ድርግም ይላል። እኔ ከጎኑ ባለ ፔንሲዮን በሰላም እገኛለሁ።››

በዚህ ጊዜ በርካታ የፖሊስ አባላትም መሳሪያዎቻውን ይዘው መጥተው ነበር፡፡ እንግዲህ አጋጣሚ መሆኑ ነው፡፡

ሰኞ ሐምሌ 09፣ 2010

በኢትዮጵያ አየር መንገድ አውሮፕላን ተሳፍሬ ቦሌ ደረስኩ፡፡ አንድ ወዳጄንም ተቀጣጥረን አገኘሁት፡፡ ብዙ ልምድ ያለው ስለሆነም የዶክተር ዓቢይን ነገር እንዴት እንዳየው ጠየኩት፡፡ እንደወደደው ነገረኝ፡፡ እጁ ላይ አረንጓዴ፣ ቢጫና ቀይ ባንዲራ ማድረጉን አየሁ፡፡ ለድምር ሰልፍም እንደተገኘ ነግሮኛል፡፡

ማክሰኞ ሐምሌ 10፣ 2010 ዓ.ም.

ወደ አዲስ አበባ ሰኞ ስለተመለስኩ ማክሰኞ ጠዋት ሳርቤት ወደሚገኘው ወደ ኦሮሚያ ትምህርት ቢሮ ሄድኩ፡፡ በዚያም የታዳጊ ልጆች ንባብ የሚመለከታቸውን ኃላፊዎች አገኘሁ፡፡ ለእነርሱም በኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የተዘጋጁትን 45 ተረቶች ሰጠሁ፡፡ የአማርኛና የእነንግሊዝኛም ጨምሬላቸዋለሁ፡፡ አድራሻ ተለዋውጠንና ወደፊትም በጋራ ለመስራት ተነጋግረን ተለያይተናል፡፡

ለራስ አበበ አረጋይ ቤተመጻሕፍት የ20 000 ብር መጻሕፍት ከአከፋፋይ ገዝቼ ወደ ደብረብርሃን ተመለስኩ፡፡ የአንድ ሳምንት ቆይታዬም በዚሁ ተጠናቋል፡፡

A Comprehensive Coverage of the Rwandan Genocide

A People Betrayed: the role of the West in Rwanda’s genocide

Author: Linda Melvern

Year of Publication: 2009

Personal Notes, Interpretation and Implications for Ethiopia

By Mezemir Girma, Ethiopia. mezemirgirma@gmail.com; 251913658839; P.O.Box 445 Debre Birhan University, Debre Birhan, Ethiopia.

Prologue

I should briefly introduce myself before I treat the issue in question. I am a Lecturer in English Literature at Debre Birhan University, Ethiopia. My interest in Rwanda started in 2016, when I translated the book, “Left to Tell: Discovering God amidst the Rwandan Holocaust”, into Amharic, Ethiopia’s official language, and published it under the title “Hututsi”. Immaculee Ilibagiza is a genocide survivor who co-authored this book I translated. The details of this young woman’s agonies and the nightmare of Rwanda is unquestionably a startling revelation for young Ethiopians. As a matter of sheer coincidence, mine was the second translation of this book into Amharic. I discovered this a week before my book was published; however, I feel proud for doing so because my interpretation and translation reached new readers and brought my version of the book to the people.

Unexpectedly and as a result of the acceptance this book in translation received, I came to know book distributors and started my own library and bookstore in Debre Birhan town alongside my teaching job. This library has been giving the community a rare opportunity to read and discuss various issues. As to me, my reading about Rwanda was limited to the aforementioned book, Left to Tell, a copy of which I found at the University’s English Language Improvement Center (ELIC). In addition, I watched movies, documentaries and discussions on the genocide. I also read a few articles and initiated dialogues among Ethiopians in various meeting places and forums including radios and social media.  

I still do not know who brought that Rwanda’s book to the ELIC and with what intention. Nonetheless, I should be grateful as he/she/they enlightened me and caused such discussions and debates that could help reduce the genocide pandemic. 

Really, A People Betrayed!

This year I got a chance to read another book that I found comprehensive. Entitled “A People Betrayed: the role of the West in Rwanda’s genocide,” it has really broadened my understanding of Rwanda, her problems and the genocide. I should be grateful to the person who lent me this book. I should also invite you, my reader, to send me any Rwanda or genocide-related material.

I was immersed in this book. At times I forgot to note down the important points. I just took some notes that struck me thinking that they could help the reader to have an insight into the issue. It is the language of the book that dominates this writing. I should admit that it is not my English. However, I made some passing remarks at times. I knew what I am sharing with you cannot be a book review because my understanding of the issue is not a deep one both because of my profession and limited knowledge of Rwanda and genocide.

“The combination of the revelations about the speed, scale and intensity of the genocide, the failure to intervene when it was threatened and the suppression of information about what was actually happening is a shocking indictment of governments and individuals who could have prevented it but chose not to do so even when the evidence was indisputable. It is a terrible story, made worse because the true nature of it continues to be deliberately distorted and confused” (6) seems the theme of this investigative book written by an experienced British journalist.  

 100 years before the genocide

Rwanda is a country that was ruled by kings for centuries. The king who ruled Rwanda in 1890s, Rwabugiri, was a military genius but a political visionary. It was during his rule that, according to historians, the first systematic difference between Hutu and Tutsi evolved for his cattle rustlers were called Tutsi and the servants were called Hutu. A combatant was called Tutsi and a Hutu meant non-combatant. As most non-combatants were farmers, the elite eventually began to call all farmers Hutu. The identities altered, and the meanings evolved differently in different places. There existed many criteria for the classification Hutu and Tutsi, including birth, wealth in cattle, culture, place of origin, physical attributes and social and marriage ties. Although the word Hutu would also come to mean ‘subject’ or ‘servant’ and the word ‘Tutsi’ ‘those rich in cattle’, the differences were not solely based on wealth or class; there were Hutu and Tutsi in the same class. Tutsi pastoralists were as poor as their Hutu neighbors. But the word Tutsi did come to be associated with the central government. These groups were not tribes, for the people shared the ancestral stories, and spoke the same language, Kinyarwanda. Long before Rwanda became a state, people were speaking variants of the language and were widely settled in the region. There were no distinct areas of residence” (10-11).

The Tutsi, for their fine features and variant from the common Negro or Bantu, are considered to be Semitic migrants from Egypt or Ethiopia. It is a common knowledge that there were long distance migrations in Africa. Therefore, this migration thesis may also work. However, as people become more beautiful and as their genes improve through the centuries, wouldn’t these Tutsis be natives who became more beautiful? As far as I read, even members of the same family were divided as Hutu and Tutsi through the difference of their looks.  It is like what the Ethiopian Airlines does in Ethiopia – they may find a girl attractive and employ her and reject her sister they consider less appealing.

The Europeans and fast changes in Rwanda

In 1885 the Berlin Conference agrees that Ruanda-Urundi should become a German protectorate. In 1894, the first European, a German, Count Gustav Adolf von Gotzen, arrives in Rwanda. In 1911 a popular uprising in northern Rwanda is crushed by the German Schutztruppe and Tutsi chiefs, leaving bitterness among northern Hutu. In 1916 Belgian troops chase out the Germans and occupy both Rwanda and Urundi. In 1923 Ruanda-Urundi becomes a mandated territory of the League of Nations under the supervision of Belgium. In November 1931, the King Mwami Musinga, who was against colonization, was deposed by the Belgian administration and replaced with one of his pliant Christian sons. Christianity became a prerequisite for the membership of the Tutsi elite. King Mutara Rudahigwa was persuaded to Christianize Rwada. The catholic missions that were set up would deliver modern education mainly to the Tutsis who would acquire the best jobs until 1954. As a result, Hutu resentment intensified. In 1933 the Belgian administrators organized a census and everyone was issued with an identity card classifying them as Hutu, Tutsi and Twa. In 1945 the Belgian mandate was transferred to the UN Trust Territory. In 1957 a Belgian priest was the one who ratified a manifesto for the rebelling Hutu that demanded emancipation from the control of the Tutsi race and rule by the majority. They claimed that Rwanda had been run by Tutsi invaders who had enslaved the Hutu. Political parties were formed by the end of the 1950s. They were founded along ethnic lines. Whereas the Hutu party called for an end to Tutsi colonization before freedom from the Belgians, the Tutsi opposition party that was founded in 1959 was pro-monarchist and called for immediate independence from Belgium. 

Coups and Hutu Nationalism

King Mutara Rudahigwa dies in suspicious circumstances in 1959. In November the Hutu rebel, supported by Belgium. It was after the killing of their King that the Tutsis killed Hutu politicians and attacks resumed on Tutsi civilians as retribution. Two hundred Tutsis died and thousands flee for their lives to Burundi. Belgium places Rwanda under military rule. Hutu were favored by Belgian administrators. The Belgians openly favored them saying they were the masses. In 1960 Rwanda’s first municipal elections give Hutu a large majority. In January 1961 the monarchy is formally abolished by a referendum and republic is proclaimed. A new wave of violence against Tutsi emerged. As a result, more people fled the country. The Parmehutu Party leader Gregoire Kayibanda, a former school teacher, abolished the monarchy and became a president of the new republic in 1962. He was an authoritarian and secretive founding father of Hutu nationalism. The Nazism against Tutsi minorities led to accumulation of more than 130,000 refugees in neighboring countries. In 1964 this number would reach quarter of a million. Road blocks and curfews were set up to persecute Tutsis and their political leaders. Civilian Hutus were urged by the Radio in Kigali to fight any Tutsi they could find. Partly this was a fruit of the Tutsi ill-armed insurgency from neighboring countries. In the southern prefecture of Gikongoro local Hutu started to kill every Tutsi they found. About five thousand people were murdered, and in the most atrocious and cruel circumstances. At Shigira, near the border with the Congo, some hundred Tutsi women and children committed mass suicide by drowning themselves in the river to escape attacks by mass mobs. Professor Vullemin, a European educator in Rwanda, wrote to Le Monde that, “Most Europeans living in Rwanda appeared indifferent and considered the killing of the Tutsis in Rwanda as the proof of the ‘savagery of the negro’. The government, instead of organizing development programmes, was doing nothing more than encouraging racial hatred. The brutality of the killings was the product of carefully nurtured racial hatred.  How can I teach Under a UNESCO aid programme in a school where pupils are killed for the sole reason that they were Tutsi?”

A quota system was started, so the Tutsi, who were officially 9 percent of the population, a figure disputed by the Tutsi, got no more than this strict fixed quota. Civil servants and students were expelled after open tribunals to check identities.

The French and Habiyarimana: An Evil Company Against Tutsis

Major Juvenil Habyarimana, nation-wide anti-Tutsi campaign leader, and minister of defense seized power in a coup on 5 July 1973. Under his rule the quota system continues, Tutsis get marginalized and Hutus were the only soldiers who were commanded not to marry Tutsi women. Outside interference and support helped escalate the difference among the Hutu and Tutsi, and Belgium was replaced by France as a new supporter of the racist regime. “Every French president, from Degualle to Chirac, had retained a presidential prerogative in African policy making. The president had the power to dispatch troops overseas without reference to parliament or ministers, advised only by the unelected head of the African unit attached to the Elysee Palace” (302). The French openly supported what they called the majority legitimate Hutu government.

“In 1973, Juvenil Habyarimana starved to death 55 members of the former government” (27). This measure is more or less like Mengistu Hailemariam of Ethiopia summarily executed the leaders of the Emperor Haile Selase regime in 1974. Habyariana’s was a Hutu regime that “staged a fake attack on the capital” to accuse the Uganda-based rebel group the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Documents tend to testify that this regime can’t also be immune from the shooting down of the plane that carried its own leader, President Habyarimana, in 1994.  The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) did not have the access to the airport in Kigali then to execute the well-organized attack.

The French supported Rwanda because they wanted it to be a center of influence in the region where the British corner them. According to different estimates Rwandan refugees in neighboring countries numbered from one to two million. They started to organize themselves since the life they were leading where they were was miserable and they coveted to go back home. It was in the 1980s that they organized better. Then in 1987 they formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in Uganda. The RPF claims to be a multi-national party even if it is regarded as a Tutsi party. Its leader, Paul Kagame, was a member of Yoweri Museveni’s gorilla group that overthrew the Ugandan regime and took over. Kagame becomes a senior intelligence officer in Museveni’s government and the soldiers of the Ugandan regime include Rwandans who would later become RPF troops. The RPF launched an attack on Rwanda in 1990. It was very difficult for the regime to defend itself that the French assisted counter what they called an Anglo-Saxon invasion.     

Rumor has it that dictators and leaders of developing states have been victims of harmful traditional practices. A good example of this is given as follows: Habyariana’s secret room was accessed from a wardrobe. He had soothsayers and clairvoyants with their own bungalow for special rituals. (46, 47). Habyarimana’s wife had an Akazu, which literally meant little house, and named after a family circle from a northern village controlling power (48). This group consolidated power, was influential with bank accounts abroad for its members and used propaganda that set all Tutsis principal enemies, disseminated Nazi-like propaganda promoting a ‘pure Hutu race’. Regional division was promoted and consequently the Interhamwe was founded by the group.

Interhamwe, which can literally be translated as ‘those who attack together’, was a militia that was formed mainly to attack Tutsis. A strong French support even opposed to by French newspapers was causing a lot of troubles (51). The French Ambassador covered up the genocide. A death squad named Network Zero was set up. Farmers were ordered to kill in what was called ‘a collective work session’. Clear the bush; exterminate the Tutsi was the order of the day (53). Tutsis were disarmed so that they couldn’t defend themselves. Terrorist attacks were carried out by the state to blame the RPF and its supporters. (54)

Leon Mugesera, VP of the Hutu party MRND in Gisenyi and a political science professor addressed militants, “They (Tutsis) belong to Ethiopia and we are going to find them a shortcut to get there by throwing them into the Nyabarongo River” (55).

“French soldiers were seen controlling checkpoints in Kigali, demanding to see identity cards, arresting Tutsi and passing them over to the Rwandan army. The anti- Tutsi behavior of French soldiers was noticeable” (57). In Kigali the French president Mitterand was laughingly called MItterahamwe (58).

As Evil as Bogosora

All effort was made by the international community to assist in the Arusha Accords (held between the RPF and the Rwandan Government), yet PRF dominance and the government’s division weakened it. Two or three years before the actual genocide, thousands of Tutsis were killed in Kigali alone.

ICTR (the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) believed Bogosora and other officials “From late 1990 until July 1994 conspired among themselves and with others to work out and plan with intent, to exterminate the civilian Tutsi population, so that they could remain in power” (68).

Purported fear of the Tutsi’s return to power and a lust for power bring Hutu leaders together in the exclusion and planning to kill. Bogosora, a foreign educated officer, was the mastermind.

A plot was not readily available except for spoken words by officials and members of the Hutu to exterminate the Tutsis. The idea of a whole scale genocide seems to develop through time.

A list of people that the MRND and Reseau Zero called RPF accomplices and Tutsis was made ready for killing. It was Bogosora who coordinated this. “The idea of genocide was sometimes openly expressed. ‘They are very few,’ Colonel Rwagafilita told a French army officer in October 1990. ‘We will liquidate them’” (73)

From 1990 to 1994 tens of millions of dollars were spent on weapons and farm equipment purchase. To prove this, records are available at the national bank. Hutu elites had also stalk at hand. South Africa and Egypt sold arms to the genocidieries. It took 112 million USD to purchase arms, grenades, machetes and farm equipment that can be used to kill civilians.

The Hate Radio: Radio-Television Libre Des Mille Collines (RTLM) – a share company.

RTLM worked hard to demonize the Tutsis. The ten commandments of Hutu power were promoted. A policy of rape was adopted. PM Agate was called a rat. A critical propaganda weapon to disseminate the hate! Yes, no more than this hate radio.

New World Order and High hopes for UN Success

The UN was busy, unwilling, and almost unable to undertake the peace keeping operations that were growing steadily throughout the world. The US had the Somali peace keeping problems. The Rwanda case came without everyone’s preparation and knowledge of the real situations on the ground, a smoldering volcano than a mere civil war.

The Peacekeepers: The UN arrives: “At the outset Dellaire had gone to the UN headquarters in New York, where he discovered how low a priority Rwanda really was. “ (95) “He was a hard worker. And he was obstinate.” (96)

Ill-equipped Dellair, UNAMIR.

The informant about secret plans and stock by a secret group of extremist politicians was not heeded to. The peacekeepers didn’t have the mandate to stop the arms dissemination among the civilian Hutu.

Peacekeepers in trouble: Feb to April 1994

600 RPF troops were brought to Kigali to defend the RPF politicians to be involved in the new government. The formation of the new government failed. Killings continued in Kigali and it was not uncommon to see piles of dead people.

Two or three months before the genocide there was an intense preparation to kill the Tutsi.

“There had been a plan to kill the president on 23 March, but it was cancelled” (122).

The UN Security Council: 5 Apr 1994

The Arusha Accords if applicable, would not allow the Hutu to rule as they wanted owing to RPF strength in capacity and negotiations. There were pressures on the US administration from the congress. They were, therefore, disinterested and anti-UN.

The UK Foreign Office was disinterested in Rwanda, a Francophone and a problem area in the Franco British relationship. This is politics and the UK had no humanitarian involvement. 

On April 6, in Tanzania, Habyarimana agreed on a power sharing and a meeting with the opposition right away.

Four Days in Kigali: 6-9 April 1994.

When the airport air traffic controller asked for a fire brigade to attend to the rocket hit presidential plane, a presidential guard put a gun to his head and warned him (135).

Why would the USA offer rewards of millions of Dollars now for the whereabouts or hands of criminals of the Rwandan genocide? Why didn’t they assist in the efforts to stop the genocide?

At 6:00 AM on 7 Apr Radio Rwanda announced the death of the president and the army was given red light to kill Tutsis (141).

The Interhamwe had already started killing and road blocks were set up. Some Tutsis didn’t want to flee because they thought they would be killed progressively (141). The gendermere (military police) and presidential guard turned killers. “I saw a lecturer from the university giving arms to the Interhamwe and telling them to do a good job,” said a survivor (152).

In Kigali checking ID cards of people at road blocks took long and it became an irritation for the militia that they singled out those who were tall, with straight noses and long fingers. And they killed those who looked educated and richer than others (152).

“There was a pile of Identification cards with the ethnic designation of Tutsis burned in an attempt to eradicate all evidence that these people had existed”. (156).

The genocide exposed: the withdrawal of expats became a choice for the West.

The French were free to move in Kigali in the early days of the genocide while UNAMIR troops were being identified and killed.

Air transport resumed for the French. ICRC and MSF had a slight permit of taking the wounded, except male Tutsis, to the new hospital they founded on a hilltop. It was not immune from shelling, though. Bradol, an MSF staff who collected the wounded said, “There was no anarchy. No chaos. In Kigali there was order.

Articles by experts who saw and knew the case, even who lived there, in Rwanda, were rejected by Western news agencies/papers (168).

The genocide was termed as ‘tribal anarchy’ by the west. Dellaire was ordered to evacuate. He declined this. He asked for 2500 troops to double his personnel and do his best. Tanks and other big apparatuses would scare the gangs and help him close the hate radio.

My understanding: RPF would not attack because of the ceasefire. So, they couldn’t rescue Tutsis. The soldiers who came to rescue the expats should not have left. They could have stopped the genocide of the north and Kigali or its southward expansion.

The secret meetings of the security council:

There was no American interest in Rwanda - An American official.

RTLM helped locate Tutsis. They organized killings. On 12 April 1500 RPF fighters entered Kigali. However, they were locked in the building with their fellow fighters there and it took them three months to move out and free the city. The southward attack from Uganda, breaching the ceasefire, was in three directions/fronts. The government soldiers were three times their number in personnel and apparatus.

“The genocide was a conspiracy at national level but without the complicity of the local and national civil and military authorities, the large scale massacres would not have taken place” 184

Tutsis gathering to safe places months before the genocide. What does this mean? Why would they let be suffer like this? Dying progressively really makes sense here.

Change in mandate was required for UNAMIR. The issue and role of the interim government also needs a scrutiny.   

Genocide spreads

Using nail-studded clubs among other brutal means of killing! How inhumane can one become! How animalistic can propaganda makes people!

In Butare, a city known for its tolerance, at the university students, representing Hutu Power searched the university to pull out Tutsi from their hiding places. (192)

The Amhro stadium was shelled by the soldiers.

In three weeks 100,000 to half a million were killed. (199)

The world shuts the door

There was a French effort for ceasefire even still the genocide was underway even if they help the interim government.

Three hundred people sheltering at hotel des mille Collins were massacred. (209)

“America could not solve other people’s problems. Nor could America build their states for them” An American official (213)

Kagbayi was described as a concentration camp with 30, 000 people trapped in community centers.

A representative of the interim government, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, the minister of family and women’s affairs told a reporter during the genocide, “Rwandans are a peaceful people, but the militia has been armed in order to weed out ‘Tutsi extremist infiltrators’ sent by the RPF. The Tutsi plan is to exterminate all the Hutu “(216).

Bizimana, the minister of defense, also told the same reporter that people had been afraid that they would be wiped out by the Tutsi and RPF infiltrators. (217)

On 12 May Dellaire sent his plan to the UN to save 756,000 people trapped at the 91 sites. (217)

“Ethiopia offered an 800- strong battalion and Malawi promised an infantry company.  …. But all these countries wanted equipment for their troops and wanted the costs to be undertaken by the UN.”

This issue make me laugh. The dictators send troops to countries in problem to amass wealth for themselves. The Ethiopian case seems to be inspired by this factor.

Nick Hughes’ film, entitled 100 days, was shot at the moment of genocide.

Kigali on May 22, there was a 32 kilometers of exodus; 300 000 people were fleeing the RPF advance.

On 9 June Clinton agreed to take action.

On 25 May Butros Ghali admitted it was a genocide. (pp 220s)

For Valour

On 23 June, Operation Turqoise, a French peace keeping mission to Rwanda under a UN go ahead started operations. Was it to save the perpetrators of the genocide or for humanitarian purposes?

The Operation had 2,500 elite troops, 200 different types of military planes, jets and helicopters. One percent of the French military budget was used for this 60 day operation. Yet this was made after much death, after every Tutsi was killed and the extremist Hutu operation was over. There was no real intention to stop the genocide. Dellaire and Kagame were opposed to it.

Pruner, the French government’s advisor at the operation wrote later that, “there were no Tutsi left alive to be paraded in front of TV cameras as justification for intervention.” (238)

Kibuye French camp. In Kibuye, where there were 50,000 Tutsi population, only a few hundred were spared in the hills and hideouts where they sometimes made unarmed combat. They emerged from under shades inside cupboards and attics.

The French didn’t want to assist UNAMIR, but create their zone of control.

These people who sought shelter with the French would later be killed and raped by the Hutu.

The French aim was to provide a secure retreat for government officials and perpetrators of the genocide (240).

10,000- 13,000 Tutsis were saved by the French in spite of their unambiguous Hutu partisanship.

“In two days, about a million people fled to Zaire. It was the fastest and largest flight of people ever recorded.” (243). Like the killing was?

Two million people fled the country. Sixty percent of Rwanda’s population was now either dead or displaced.

In a country of 7 million people, 1 million had died. (246)

Starting from zero: 18 July 1994

Kagame became vice-president and 12 Hutu were among the 18 ministers (247).

The genocide convention

“Raphael Lamkin, a Polish lawyer, who coined the word genocide, is known as the father of the genocide convention... “ (252).

The first trial of the ICTR began in January 1997.

“In an initial interview with Kambanda by ICTR investigators he acknowledged that the progress of genocide had been discussed in cabinet meetings”

There has been a lack of collaboration for ICTR from governments like France.

Colonel Theobeste Bogosora said, “Me, I don’t believe that genocide took place” 24 October, 2005, Arusha.

120,000 perpetrators of genocide were detained in Rwanda.

Gacaca courts played a paramount role in peace and reconciliation.

“The regular Rwandan courts were used for those suspects deemed to have wielded power and influence; there were an estimated 3000 cases” (260)

Who killed Habyarimana? Location of assassins. Investigation. Court cases.

“In 2003 Rwanda had applied to join the British Commonwealth and English is now the language of commerce, education and media” (265).

 An American counted over 10, 000 bodies in Lake Kivu.

Rwanda was not a British sphere in Africa. (273)

USA and UK - their selfish and racist policies had aided the genocide. 277

There is little true humanitarianism among them .

Mein Kampf was translated into Kinyarwanda.

10 commandments of the Bahutu.

The misery and plight of a five years old boy I read in the book is unforgettable. He was running to hold the tyre of a UN peace keepers’ vehicle that was leaving the Tutsis for the killers. The Hutu killers laughed at the boy’s deeds.

Finally, I share with you the photos I took from Linda's book of the chronology of the genocide. I found it a great summary.